1900 – 1909

1900: Lord Curzon succeeded Lord Elgin II in 1899. He got the Punjab Land Alienation Act passed in 1900 to check transfer of land from agriculturists to non-agriculturists, which compelled some Congress rethinking on the thorny issue of land relations. On basic matters, Curzon was as racist as anyone, and even at his most benevolent tended to speak" of Indians in tones one normally reserves for pet animals".

What made Curzon’s administration ultimately so significant was, in fact, his consistent hostility towards educated Indian aspirants as represented by the Congress, along with a not unrelated determination to strengthen, streamline and enforce the authority of the Raj.

British unpopularity was increasing under the impact of famines and plagues (1899-1901), the countervailing exercise and Curzon’s package of aggressive measures. The potential base for political activity was expanding fast, with the circulation of vernacular newspapers going up. It was significant that some of the most popular journals were those which were critical of the Congress for a variety of reasons, like the Bangabasi or the Kesari and Kal. The soil was ripe for the rise of Extremism.

1902: Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who had pointedly declared that "we will not achieve any success in our labours if we croak once a year like a frog", seemed to be groping his way towards the techniques of mass passive resistance or civil disobedience when, in a speech in 1902, he cleared: "Though down-trodden and neglected, you must be conscious of your power of making the administration impossible if you but choose to make it so. It is you who manage the rail-road and the telegraph, it is you who make settlements and collect revenue."

1903: A Police Commission was appointed under the Presidentship of Sir Andrew Frazer to inquire into the police administration of every province. The report described the police force as "far from efficient, defective in training and organisation, corrupt and oppressive". The Commission recommended an increase in the salaries and strength of police force in all provinces and creation of a Department of Criminal Intelligence at Centre. The remarks sound as valid and true today as they did at the turn of the century.

1904: The Indian Universities Act was passed on the recommendations of Sri Thomas Raleigh Commission.

For the protection, preservation and restoration of India’s cultural heritage, Ancient Monuments’ Protection Act, 1904 was passed and the Archaeological Survey of India established.

1905: Conditions for the emergence of militant nationalism developed when in 1905, the Partition of Bengal was announced and the Indian National Movement entered its second phase. On July 20, 1905, Lord Curzon issued an order dividing the province of Bengal into two parts-Eastern Bengal and Assam with a population of 31 million and the rest of Bengal with a population of 54 million, of whom 18 million were Bengalis and 36 million Biharis and Oriyas. Although the main argument advanced by the Government in favour of the partition was that the then existing province of Bengal was too big to be efficiency administered by a single Provincial Government, the real motive was to curb the growth of national feelings in politically advanced Bengal by driving a wedge between the Bengali-speaking Hindus and Muslims, and destroying the solidarity of 78 million Bengalis by dividing them into two blocs.

1906: The Muslims in India were growing suspicious of the Hindu majority. Moreover, the English wanted to drive a wedge between the two. So, in 1906, was formed the Muslim League under the Presidentship of Nawab Salimullah Khan of Dacca. Its aim was to protect and advance the Muslim interests. Later on, for many years M.A. Jinnahwas its President. Ultimately the activities of the League brought about the partition of India and the creation of the state of Pakistan.

1907: The agitation following the Partition of Bengal brought into prominence the rise of Extremists, who differed in some essential points from the Moderates which had hitherto dominated the Indian National Congress. The fundamental differences between the two concerned both the political goal and the method to be adopted to achieve it.

There was much public debate and disagreement between the Moderates and Extremists. The latter wanted to extend swadeshi and boycott movements from Bengal to the rest of the country and to extend the boycott to every form of association with the colonial government. The Moderates wanted to confine the boycott movement to Bengal and that too limited it to the boycott of foreign goods. There was a tussle between the two groups for Presidentship of the Indian National Congress for the year (1906). The cleavage between the two was saved by the election of Dadabhai Naoroji, respected by both as the ‘Grand Old Man of India’, as the President. With a view to conciliating the Extremists and the Moderates, Naoroji boldly defined that the goal of Indian national movement was "self-government or swaraj like that of the United Kingdom or the Colonies".

1908: The ordinance restricting the right of holding public meetings, Newspapers (Incitement of Offences) Act, 1908 and the Explosive Substances Act were passed to curb the revolutionary activities. The year 1908 was thus a Black Year which saw the passing of so many repressive measures. These measures were not confined to the passing of the Acts alone, but were accompanied by prosecutions and persecutions. To curb the Swadeshi Movement against the Partition of Bengal and the growing cult of extremism in the rest of the country, leading nationalists were prosecuted and punished in "mock trails" or even without trial.

1909: To conciliate the moderate sections of Indian and Muslims, the British Government announced constitutional concessions though the Indian Councils Act of 1909, popularly known as the Morley-Minto Reforms of 1909. Its most important provision was that Muslims were granted separate representation, i.e., Muslim members could be elected by Muslim votes only. Thus communal representation was introduced. It also increased the number of elected members in the Imperial Legislative Council and the Provincial Councils. But most of the elected members were elected indirectly by the Provincial Councils in the case of the Imperial Council, and by municipal committees and district boards in the case of Provincial Councils. Some of the elected seats were reserved for land-lords and British capitalists in India.

1910 – 1919

1911: The Muslim political elite got a rude shock in December 1911, when George Vannounced the revocation of the Partition of Bengal at the Delhi Durbar. The King had personally suggested this as a suitable ‘boon’: he had seen something of the Bengal agitation at first hand, having visited India as Prince of Wales in 1905-06. The Government of India Despatch of August 25, 1911, linked the reunion of Bengal under a Governor-in-Council with a transfer of the capital to Delhi, both as a sop to Muslim sentiments and, much more important, on the rather far-sighted argument that Viceregal authority should be insulated from provincial pressures as ultimately "a larger measure of a self-government" was inevitable in the provinces.

1912: Revolutionary terrorism had shown no signs of abatement in Bengal, being quite unmoved by the royal ‘boon’ of December 1911 abrogating the Partition. The tightly-organised Dacca Anushilan, which now had branches throughout the province and even beyond it, concentrated on ‘swadeshi dacoities’ to raise funds and assassinations of officials and traitors. The ‘Yugantar Party’ led by Jatindranath Mukherji represented a much looser confederation of groups, which on the whole tried more to conserve their resources and build international contacts so as to organize a real military conspiracy at an appropriate time. Rasbehari Bose and Sachindranath Sanyal knit together a far-flung secret organization spanning centers in Punjab, Delhi and UP and staged a spectacular bomb attack on Hardinge while he was making his official entry into the new capital on December 23, 1912.

1913: The year was more eventful and militant nationalism surfaced in the form of vigorous press activity, like the publication of the Bombay Chronicle by Pherozeshah Mehta and Pratap by Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi came into the limelight when he began his Satyagraha in South Africa against unregistered marriages being declared illegal. The Muslim League adopted a new Constitution at its annual session in Lucknow.

1914: World War I broke out in June 1914 between Great Britain, France, Russia and Japan on one side (joined later by Italy) and Germany, Austria, Hungary and Turkey on the other. In India the years of the war marked the maturing of nationalism.

When the War started, the Congress was firmly under the control of Gokhale and the Moderates. The Indian National Congress decided to support the British War efforts, both as a matter of duty and in a spirit that grateful Britain would repay India’s loyalty and gratitude and enable India to take a long step forward on the road to self-government. They did not realize fully that the different powers were fighting the World War I precisely to safeguard their existing colonies. However, all this was changed during the War. Tilak came back from jail and become leader of all-India importance. He was opposed to the old policy of making prayers to the British Government. His contention was that every Indian had the birth right to be free. He laid the foundations for the great antigovernment movement led by Gandhi in the next few years.

World War I increased the misery of the poorer classes of Indians. For them the War meant heavy taxation and soaring prices of the daily necessities of life. As a result of the War the myth of the racial superiority of the Europeans over Asians was destroyed. Consequently, War years turned out to be years of intense nationalist political agitation.

1915: Mahatma Gandhi reached India from his successful campaign in South Africa on January 9, 1915. There were some scattered mutinies, most notably at Singapore on February 15, 1915, of the Punjabi Muslim 5^th Light Infantry and the 36^th Sikh battalion under Jamadar Chisti Khan, Jamadar Abdul Ghani and Subedar Daud Khan – 37 persons were executed after its suppression, and 41 transported for life. The Punjab political dacoities of January-February 1915 also had a somewhat new social content. In at least three out of the five main cases, the targets were village moneylenders and the raiders burnt debt bonds before decamping with the cash.

1916: When Great Britain was involved in the World War I, nationalist leaders like Tilak and Annie Besant decided to put new life in the national movement in the country. Therefore, two Home Rule Leagues were started in 1915-16 – one under the leadership of Lokmanya Tilak was started in April 1916 with its headquarters at Poona. The object of this league was to "attain Home Rule or self-government within the British Empire by all constitutional means and to educate and organize public opinion in the country towards the attainment of the same". A similar Home Rule League was founded by Annie Besant and S. Subramanya Iyer in Sept.1916.

The two Home Rule Leagues worked in cooperation and made rapid progress and cry to Home Rule resounded throughout the length and breadth of India It was during this agitation that Tilak gave the popular slogan; "Home Rule is my birth-right, and I will have it." Many moderate nationalists, who were dissatisfied with the Congress inactivity, joined the Home Rule agitation. The stir created by the Home Rule Leagues angered the British Government. The existing statutes were tightened. There was already an ordinance to prevent the entry of undesirable aliens into India.

Lucknow Session of Congress: The nationalists soon realized that disunity among themselves was injuring there cause and that they must put up a united front before the Government. The growing nationalist feeling and the desire for national unity yielded two historic developments at the Lucknow session of the Indian National Congress in 1916. First, it marked the re-union of the Moderate and Extremist Parties after the Surat Split (1907). The union became possible with the deaths of Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Ferozeshah Mehta in 1915. Tilak and Mrs. Annie Besant dominated the Lucknow session.

Second, noteworthy development was the Congress-League Pact (1916) for acceptance of a united scheme of constitutional reforms. While the war and the two Home Rule Leagues were creating a new sentiment in the country and changing the character of Congress, the Muslim League had also been undergoing gradual change towards bolder nationalism. The War period witnessed further developments in that direction. As regards the effect of war on Muslims, they did not approve of the dismemberment of Turkey, which was regarded as the Sword of Islam.

1917: A major consequence of World War I was the erosion of the White Man’s prestige. A major impetus to the national movement was given by the impact of the Russian Revolution of November 1917. The Russian Revolution brought home to the colonial people the important lesson that immense strength and energy resided in the common people.

The nationalist movement in India was also affected by the fact that the rest of the Afro-Asian world was also convulsed by nationalist agitation after the War.

The unity between the Moderates and the Extremists and between the National Congress and the Muslim League aroused great political enthusiasm in the country. The Government, aware of the rising tide of nationalist and anti-government sentiments, once again decided to follow the policy of concessions and repressions.

The Government now decided to appease the nationalist and announced on Aug. 20, 1917 that its policy in India was "the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realization of Responsible Government of India as an integral part of the British Empire".

Champaran Satyagraha: The first time Mahatma Gandhi was obliged to resort to Satyagraha was in the Champaran district of Bihar in 1917, when he went there and got the grievances of the indigo cultivators redressed. He had to face a determined attempt to thwart his plan.

1918: Montague-Chelmsford Report drafted; The Labour Party Conference in Britain passes the Resolution in favour of Home Rule in India.

The next scene of Gandhi’s activity was in 1918 at Ahmedabad where an agitation had been going on between the labourers and the owners of cotton textile mills for increase in pay. While Gandhi was negotiating with the mill-owners, he advised the workers to go on strike and to demand a 35 percent increase in wages. Having advised the strikers to depend upon their soul-force, Gandhi himself went on a ‘fast-unto-death’ to strengthen the workers’ resolve to continue the strike. The mill-owners gave way and a settlement was reached after 21 days’ strike.

The dispute in Ahmedabad had not yet ended when Gandhi learnt that the peasants of Kheda district in Gujarat were in extreme distress due to failure of crops, and that their appeals for the remission of land revenue were being ignored by the Government. As the crops were less than one-fourth of the normal yield, the peasants were entitled under the revenue code to a total remission of the land revenue. Gandhi organized Satyagraha and asked the cultivators not to pay the land-revenue till their demand for remission was met. The struggle was withdrawn when the Government issued instructions that revenue should be recovered only from those peasants who could afford to pay. Vallabhbhai Patel was one of the many young persons, who became Gandhi’s follower during the Kheda peasant struggle.

1919: The so-called Rowlatt Act (embodying some of the recommendations of the Sedition Committee of 1918 under Justice Rowlatt) was rushed through the Imperial Legislative Council between February 6 and March 18, 1919, against the unanimous opposition of all non-official Indian members. Representing an attempt to make war-time restrictions on civil rights permanent through a system of special courts and detention without trial for a maximum of two years (even for actions like mere possession of tracts declared to be seditious), the Act was probably a bid to conciliate the considerable segment of officials and non-officials while opinion which had resented Montague’s liberal promises and the grant of dyarchy. It was accompanied by Viceregal assurances that the civil service and British Commercial interests would not suffer from the coming Reforms. From the Indian point of view, the Rowlatt Act directly affected only active politicians, but any move to give further powers to the police was bound to evoke much more widespread alarm, considering the latter’s notoriety everywhere as petty oppressors.

Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy: Great atrocities were committed in Punjab during the regime of Sir Michael O’Dwyer, Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab. He had no faith in political reforms and consequently had no sympathy with the political agitators. He refused Tilak and B.C.Pal permission to enter Punjab. The methods adopted by Sir Michael to raise war loan and to find recruits were very often unauthorised and oppressive.

On April 12,1919, a proclamation was issued by General Dyer, who had taken charge of the troops the day before, that no meetings or gatherings of the people were to be held. However, no steps were to be held. However, no steps were taken to see that the proclamation was brought to the notice of the people. The result was a public meeting was announced for April 13, 1919 at 4.30 p.m. in the Jallianwala Bagh. Neither General Dyer nor other authorities took any action to stop the meeting. The meeting started at the right time and there were about 6,000 to 10,000 people present in the meeting. All of them were practically unarmed and defenceless. Jallianwala Bagh is closed practically in all sides by walls except one entrance. General Dyer entered the Jallianwala Bagh with armoured cars and troops. Without giving any warning to the people to disperse, he ordered the troops to fire and he continued to do so till the whole of the ammunition at his disposal was exhausted. Hundreds of people were killed.

Hunter Committee: The Jallianwala Bagh massacre provoked a strong public reaction in India and England. Montague made a speech in the House of Commons denouncing the brutality of Dyer’s action in Jallianwala Bagh. The nationalist leaders asked the Government to institute an enquiry. The Government to institute an enquiry. The Government appointed a Committee of Enquiry (consisting of four British and three Indian members) under the Chairmanship of Lord Hunter to enquire into the Punjab disturbances. The Indian National Congress decided to boycott the Hunter Committee and appointed a non-official committee consisting of eminent lawyers, including Motilal Nehru, C.R.Das, Abbas Tyabji, M.R.Jayakar and Gandhi. Before the Hunter Committee began its proceedings, the Government passed an Indemnity Act for the protection of its officers. The ‘Whitewashing Bill’ as the Indemnity Act was called, was severely criticised by Motilal.

Dyer was removed from active service by the British Government in London, but O’Dwyer was absolved from guilt.

Khilafat Movement: The Indian Muslims were incensed when they discovered that their loyalty had been purchased during the war by assurances of generous treatment of Turkey after the War – a promise British Statesmen had no intention of fulfilling. The Muslims regarded the Caliph of Turkey as their spiritual head and were naturally upset when they found that he would retain no control over his empire’s holy places. The Khilafat leaders were told quite clearly that they should not expect anything more and the Treaty of Sevres signed with Turkey in May 1920 made it amply clear that the dismemberment of the Turkish Empire was complete. The Muslims like the Ali Brothers – Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad had organized a Khilafat (Caliphate) party. Its avowed object was the restoration of the Sultan of Turkey as Khalifa (Caliph) of Islam to his pre-war status. Gandhi decided to extend support to the Khilafat Movement as this was to him an "opportunity of uniting the Hindus and Muslims". October 17, 1919 was observed as Khilafat Day when the Hindus united with the Muslims in fasting and observed a hartal on that day. Gandhi was elected President of the All-India Khilafat Conference, which met at Delhi on November 23, 1919. They decided to withdraw all cooperation from the Government if their demands were not met. The Muslim League, now under the leadership of nationalists, gave full support to the Indian National Congress and its agitation on political issues.

1920 – 1929

1920: In February 1920, Gandhi suggested to the Khilafat Committee to adopt a programme of non-violent, non-cooperation to protest the Government’s behaviour. March 19, 1920 was also observed as Khilafat Day with a hartal. On June 9, 1920, the Khilafat Committee at Allahabad unanimously accepted the suggestion of non-cooperation and asked Gandhi to lead the movement.

Non-Cooperation Movement: The Non-Cooperation Movement was formally launched on August 1, 1920. Tilak passed away in the early hours of August 1, and the day of mourning and of launching of the movement merged as people all over the country observed hartal and took out processions. When the Congress met in a special session at Calcutta on September 4, 1920, Gandhi faced some opposition from veteran leaders. Motilal was the only front-rank leader who supported Gandhi at the Calcutta Congress. But Gandhi was not disheartened. He emphasised the fact that by the adoption of his non-cooperation resolution Swaraj might be attained within one year. The main opposition, led by C.R. Das, was to the boycott of Legislative Councils, elections to which were to be held very soon. They believed that it was folly to boycott the new Councils, thereby cutting themselves off from the foundation-head of political power. But even those who disagreed with the idea of boycott accepted the idea of Congress and withdrew from the elections; the voters too largely boycotted them.

1921: The adoption of the Non-Cooperation Movement (initiated earlier by the Khilafat Conference) by the Congress gave it a new energy and, in the year 1921 and 1922, it began to register considerable success all over the country. Gandhi, along with Ali Brothers (who were the foremost Khilafat leaders) undertook a nation-wide tour during which he addressed hundreds of meetings and met a large number of political workers. Thousands of students (90,000 according to one estimate) left schools and colleges and joined national schools and colleges that had sprung up all over the country. It was this time that the Jamia Millia Islamia of Aligarh, the Bihar Vidyapeeth, the Kashi Vidyapeeth and the Gujarat Vidyapeeth came into existence. The educational boycott was particularly successful in Bengal, where the students in Calcutta triggered off a province-wide strike to force the managements of their institutions to disaffiliate themselves from the Government.

1922: The Government showed n signs of relenting and had ignored both the appeal of the All-Parties Conference held in mid-January 1922 as well as Gandhi’s letter to Viceroy announcing that, unless the Government lifted the ban on civil liberties and released political prisoners, he would be forced to go ahead with mass civil disobedience. The Viceroy was unmoved and, left with no choice, Gandhi announced that mass civil disobedience would begin in Bardoli taluqa of Surat District, and that all other parts of the country should cooperate by maintaining total discipline and quiet so that the entire attention of the movement could be concentrated on Bardoli. But Bardoli was destined to wait for another six years before it could launch a no-tax movement. Its fate was decided by a Congress and Khilafat procession of 3000 peasants at Chauri-Chaura in Gorakhpur District of UP, on February 5, 1922, which was fired upon by the police. At this, the entire procession attacked the police and burnt the police station causing the death of 22 policemen. On hearing of the incident, Gandhi decided to suspend the movement. He also persuaded the Congress Working Committee which met at Bardoli on February 12, 1922, to ratify his decision and thus the Non-Cooperation Movement virtually came to an end. Mahatma Gandhi was arrested, tried at Ahmedabad on March 18, 1922 and sentenced to six years’ simple imprisonment.

Suspension of the Khilafat Movement: With the suspension of the Non-Cooperation Movement, the Khilafat question became unimportant. The Government also felt the necessity of conciliating Muslim opinion by a revision of the Treaty of Sevres of August 1920 in favour of Turkey. A sudden change in the politics of the Middle East also helped the Government to bring to an end the Hindu-Muslim combination that had manifested in the Khilafat agitation. Mustapha Kamal deposed the Sultan, a puppet of the British Government, and started the modernization of Turkey. In November 1922, the Treaty of Sevres was revised in Turkey’s favour. The Hindu-Muslim alliance which Gandhi had so laboriously built up now faded and communal disturbances between the two communities became frequent.

1923: After their resignation from the Congress, C.R.Das and Motilal Nehru, on January 1,1923, announced the formation of the Congress Khilafat Swaraj Party later called the Swaraj Party with Das as President and Motilal Nehru as one of the Secretaries. The new party was to function as a group within the Congress. It accepted the Congress programme except in one respect – it would take part in Council elections due later in the year.

The Swarajists succeed in implicating defeat after defeat on the Government. In the very first session their demand for framing of a new Constitution, which would transfer real power to India, was passed by 64 votes to 48, and a second time by 72 votes to 45. The Government had to face humiliation when its demand for budgetary grants under different heads were repeatedly voted out. Similarly, the Government was defeated several times on the question of the repeal of repressive laws and regulations and release of political prisoners. Simultaneously, during 1923-24, Congressmen captured a large number of municipalities and other local bodies.

1924: Gandhi was released from jail on February 5, 1924 on health grounds. He was completely opposed to Council-entry as also to the obstruction of work in the Councils which he believed was inconsistent with non-violent non-cooperation. Once again a split in the Congress loomed on the horizon. The Government very much hoped for, and banked on such as split. But Gandhi did not oblige. Step by step, he moved towards an accommodation with the Swarajists. The courageous and uncompromising manner in which the Swarajists had functioned in the Councils convinced Gandhi that, however politically wrong, they were certainly not becoming a limb of imperial administration. On November 6, 1924, Gandhi brought the strife between the Swarajists and no-chargers to an end, by signing a joint statement with Das and Motilal that the Swarajists Party would carry on work in the legislatures on behalf of the Congress and as an integral part of the Congress.

1925: The Swarajists suffered a major loss when C. R. Das died on June 16, 1925. Even more serious were a few other political developments. In the absence of mass movement, communalism raised its ugly head and the political frustrations of people began to find expression in communal riots. Having repeatedly outvoted the Government and forced it to certify legislation, there was no way of going further inside the legislatures and escalating the politics of confrontation. This could be done only by a mass movement. But Swarajists lacked any policy of coordinating their militant work in the legislatures with mass political work outside. The Swarajists also could not carry their coalition partners for ever and in every respect, for the latter did not believe in the Swarajists’ tactic of ‘uniform, continuous and consistent obstruction.’

Kakori Conspiracy: It was realised that the financial difficulties could only be met by committing dacoities. Thus, on August 9,1925, the UP revolutionaries successfully carried out the dacoity on the Kakori-bound train on the Saharanpur-Lucknow railway line. The Government arrested a large number of young men and tried them in the Kakori Conspiracy case. Ashfaqulla Khan, Ramparasad Bismil, Roshan Singh and Rajendra Lahiri were hanged, four others were sent to the Andamans for life and seventeen others were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment.

1926: A group of Responsivists arose in the party who wanted to work for the reforms. Swarajists like Jayakar, Moonje, Kelkar, Aney, who believed in ‘Responsive Co-operation’ joined Government in the Central Province. Lala Lajpat Rai and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, too, separated themselves from the Swaraj Party on Responsivist as well as communal grounds. To prevent further dissolution and disintegration of the party, the spread of Parliamentary ‘corruption’ and further weakening to the moral fibre of its members, the main leadership of the Party reiterated its faith in mass civil disobedience and decided to withdraw from the legislatures in March 1926.

The Swaraj Party went into the elections held in November 1926 as a party in disarray - a much weaker and demoralised force. It had to face the Government and loyalist elements and its own dissenters on the one side and the resurgent Hindu and Muslim communalists on the other. A virulent communal and unscrupulous campaign was waged against the Swarajists. It succeeded in winning forty seats at the Centre and half the seats in Madras (Tamil Nadu) but was severely mauled in all other provinces. The Swarajists also could not form a nationalist coalition in the legislatures as they had done in 1923. The Swarajists finally walked out of the legislatures in 1930 as a result of the Lahore Congress resolution and the beginning of civil disobedience.

1927: In November 1927, the British Government appointed the Indian Statutory Commission, known popularly after the name of its Chairman as the Simon Commission, to go into the question of further constitutional reform. The Act of 1919 had contained a provision that at the end of ten years after the passing of that Act, i.e., in 1929 a Royal Commission would be appointed to enquire into the working of the Montford Reforms. Indian nationalists had for many years declared the constitutional reforms of 1919 as inadequate and had been demanding revision of the reforms at an earlier date without waiting till 1929.

Anti-Simon Commission Agitation: The Simon Commission’s arrival in India led to a powerful protest movement in which nationalist enthusiasm and unity reached new heights. Its all-British composition was condemned by all. At its Madras (Chennai) session in 1927, presided over by Dr. Ansari, the Indian National Congress decided to boycott the Commission "at every stage and in every form". The Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha decided to support the Congress decision, as soon as Simon and his friends landed at Bombay (Mumbai) on February 3, 1928. That day, all the major cities and towns observed a complete hartal, and people were out on the streets participating in mass rallies, processions and black-flag demonstrations. ‘Go Back Simon’ was the message delivered. Popular anger rose at the manner in which the police dealt with the protestors. Lathi charges were frequent and ferocious.

1928: Indian leaders of various parties also tried to confront the Simon Commission by convening an All-Parties Conference for evolving an alternative set of constitutional reforms. The All-Parties Convention, in May 1928, appointed a sub-committee to determine the principles of an Indian Constitution. The sub-committee was presided over by Motilal Nehru. Jawaharlal Nehru, who was the General Secretary of the All-India Congress Committee also acted as the Secretary of the Constitution-making Committee. The Nehru Committee, as it was called, submitted its report called Nehru Report in August 1928.

Young and radical nationalists led by Jawaharlal Nehru had their own, very different, objections to the Nehru Report. They were dissatisfied with the declaration of Dominion Status on the lines of the self-governing dominions as the basis of the future Constitution of India. Their slogan was ‘Complete Independence’. And it was in December 1928, at the annual session of the Congress at Calcutta, that the battle was joined.

HSRA and its Activities: The Kakori case was major setback to the revolutionaries of northern-India and the activities of HRA were stopped for some time. But Chandershekhar Azad, the sole remaining absconder of the Kakori case, along with the young men such as Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Shiv Verma and Jaidev Kapur in UP, Bhagat Singh, Bhagwati Charan Vohra and Sukhdev in Punjab set out to reorganise the HRA. Finally at Delhi on September 9 and 10, 1928, created a new collective leadership, adopted socialism as their official goal and changed the name of the party to the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA).

Lahore Conspiracy: Even though the HSRA and its leadership was rapidly moving away from individual heroic action and assassination towards mass politics, Lala Lajpat Rai’s death, as a result of the brutal lathi-charge when he was leading an anti-Simon Commission demonstration at Lahore on October 30, 1928, led them once again to take to individual assassination. To avenge his death, on December 17, 1928, Bhagat Singh, Azad and Rajguru assassinated, at Lahore, Saunders a police official involved in the lathi-charge on Lala Lajpat Rai. The police unleashed a reign of terror on the Lahore civilians and the general public reaction was that while the revolutionaries escaped after daring acts, the public had to suffer the consequences of their doings. To efface this impression, the Punjab unit of the HSRA decided to send two volunteers to commit a crime and court arrest.

It was also felt that crime should have two objects in view: first, to create a great sensation all over the country in order to remove the political lethargy from which India had been suffering; and second, to give wide publicity to the aims and objects of the Association and stimulate the revolutionary urge in the country. It was in pursuance of this decision that Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Datta threw a bomb in the Central Assembly on April 8, 1929; they had no intention to kill anybody but just wanted to demonstrate in the fashion of the French anarchist-martyr Valiant that: "It takes a loud noise to make the deaf hear." Since capital punishment could not be awarded in the Assembly Bomb Case, the Government instituted the Lahore Conspiracy Case (The Saunders Murder Case) against them in 1929 and sentenced Bhagat Singh, Raj Guru and Sukhdev to capital punishment; they were executed in the Lahore jail on March 23, 1931. Their fearless and defiant attitude in the courts was reflected in shouting slogans Inquilab Zindabad! Down Down with Imperialism! Long Live the Proletariat! and singing songs such as Sarfaroshi ki tamanna ab hamare dil me hai (our heart is filled with the desire for martyrdom) and Mera rang de basanti chola (dye my clothes in saffron colour – the colour of courage and sacrifice).

1929: In May 1929, Lord Irwin, the Viceroy (1926-31) went to England and discussed Indian affairs with British statesmen. Meanwhile the Labour Party, headed by Ramsay MacDonald, took office in June 1929. The new Secretary of state was W. Wedgewood Benn (1929-31), who was sympathetic to Indian political aspirations, impressed upon the British Cabinet the gravity of the Indian situation and the need for the formulation of British policy. He secured Cabinet approval for a scheme which he announced soon after his return to India in October 1929 – "I am authorised on behalf of His Majesty’s Government to state clearly that, in their judgement, it is implicit in the declaration of 1917 that the natural issue of India’s constitutional progress, as then contemplated, is the attainment of Dominion Status". "With a view to discussing the framing of a new Constitution, there would be held a Round Table Conference in London between the representatives of India and Britain."

Irwin’s declaration revived hope. Though the younger Congressmen were suspicious of the vaguely worded announcement, Gandhi and his senior colleagues welcomed it. But Irwin’s statement was criticised by both Liberals and Conservatives in the British Parliament.

Lahore Congress Session – Poorna Swaraj: Gandhi came back to active politics and attended the Calcutta session of the Congress in December 1928. In order to consolidate the nationalists, his first step was to reconcile the militant left wing of the Congress. Jawaharlal Nehru was now elected the President of the Congress at the historic Lahore session of 1929.

The Lahore Congress declared that the agreement to Dominion Status in the Nehru Report had lapsed and passed a resolution declaring Poorna Swaraj (Complete Independence) to be the Congress’ objective. It also decided to make preparation for launching a Civil Disobedience campaign. At midnight on December 31, 1929, Jawaharlal Nehru unfurled the newly-adopted tricolour flag of freedom on the bank of river Ravi. January 26, 1930 was fixed as the first independence Day which was to be so celebrated every year with people taking the pledge that it was "a crime against man and God to submit any longer" to the British rule.

The judgement was pronounced on June 12, 1929 in Assembly Bomb Case, sentencing transportation for life for Bhagat Singh. Bhagat Singh started his epic hunger-strike in jail on June 15, 1929 for jail reforms.

1930 – 1939

1930: Gandhi made an offer to the Viceroy that, if the British Government accepted the ‘Eleven Points’, he would withdraw Civil Disobedience. The ‘Eleven Points’ which included reduction in land revenue, abolition of salt tax, scaling down civil and military expenditure, release of political prisoners, levy of duties on foreign cloth, seemed to the Government, a move on the part of Gandhi to win the sympathy of peasants as well as business interests. To Gandhi’s own colleagues, the proposal, coming after declaration of independence, was something of an anti-climax. Evidently, Gandhi’s statement evoked no response from the Government. In mid-February 1930, the Working Committee meeting at Sabarmati Ashram, invested Gandhi with full powers to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement at a time and place of his choice.

The Civil Disobedience Movement was started by Gandhi on March 12, 1930, with his famous Dandi March. Gandhiji along with 78 companions, which included Sarojini Naidu, marched nearly 375 km from Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi, a village in Gujarat sea-coast.

On his way to Dandi, Gandhi halted at Jambusar, a small village in the Broach district of Gujarat. There in the early hours of March 23, 1930 Motilal decided to make a gift of Anand Bhawan to the Congress. The formal ceremony took place on April 6, 1930, when Jawaharlal as Congress President accepted the gift from his father. It was on the same day after reaching Dandi that Gandhi broke the law by making salt from sea water. A wave of enthusiasm swept the country. Salt laws were broken at many places and even women took part in the Civil Disobedience Movement.

Associated Struggle: There was a massive wave of protest at Gandhiji’s arrest. But it was in Maharashtra, that the response was the fiercest. The textile workers, who dominated the town went on strike from May 7, 1930 and along with other residents, burnt liquor shops and proceeded to attack all symbols of Government authority – the railway stations, law courts, police stations and municipal buildings. They took over the city and established a virtual parallel government which could only be dislodged with the imposition of martial law after May 16, 1930.

The Salt Satyagraha was only the catalyst, and the beginning, for a rich variety of forms of defiance that if brought in its wake. Before his arrest, Gandhiji had already called for a vigorous boycott of foreign cloth and liquor shops, and had especially asked the women to play a leading role in this movement, and the women of India certainly demonstrated in 1930 that they were second to none in strength and tenacity of purpose.

Along with the women, students and youth played the most prominent part in the boycott of foreign cloth and liquor. Traders’ associations and commercial bodies were themselves quite active in implementing the boycott, as were the many mill-owners who refused to use foreign yarn and pledged not to manufacture coarse cloth that competed with Khadi.

First Round Table Conference: Among the main recommendations of the Simon Commission report published on June 7, 1930 were-Federal Constitution for India, Provincial Autonomy subject to over-riding powers vested in the Governor, enlargement of the Provincial Legislative Councils but no responsible Government at the Centre. The Congress leaders on August 15, 1930, rejected the Report as it had not guaranteed a national Government and India’s right to secede from the Empire. The Muslims alleged that the Report had practically established Hindu Raj under British protection, in all provinces throughout India, including the two provinces of Bengal and Punjab where the Muslims were in a majority.

The British Government convened in London on November 12, 1930, the First Round Table Conference of Indian leaders and spokesmen of the British Government under the Chairmanship of the Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald to discuss the Simon Commission Report. The Conference, boycotted by the Congress, continued till January 19, 1931. A Conference on Indian affairs without the Congress was a meaningless exercise. But it was attended by several eminent leaders like Sapru, Jinnah and Muhammad Ali. The British Government opposed the immediate grant to Dominion Status. The Conference received a setback when B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1956) demanded that for electoral purposes, the Depressed Classes should be treated as a separate community. The Muslim delegation also demanded adequate safeguards for the Muslims of India. The proceedings in London thus proved abortive.

Gandhi-Irwin Pact: The Government now made attempts to negotiate an agreement with the Congress so that it would participate in the next round of deliberations to be held in 1931. The Government made a gesture of goodwill by releasing the Congress leaders including Gandhi, on January 25, 1931. Finally, the Viceroy Lord Irwin and Gandhi negotiated a settlement, popularly known as Gandhi-Irwin Pact on March 5, 1931. The terms of the agreement included the immediate release of all political prisoners not convicted for violence, the remission of all fines not yet collected, the return of confiscated lands not yet sold to third parties, and lenient treatment for those government employees who had resigned.

1931: The Congress met in Karachi on March 29, 1931 to endorse the Gandhi-Irwin or Delhi Pact. Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru had been executed six days earlier. All along Gandhiji’s route to Karachi he was greeted with black flag demonstrations. The Congress passed a resolution drafted by Gandhiji by which it, ‘while dissociating itself from and disapproving of political violence in any shape or form, admired’ the bravery and sacrifice’ of the three martyrs. The Congress endorsed the Delhi Pact and reiterated the goal of Purna Swaraj.

The Karachi session became memorable for its Resolution on Fundamental Rights and the National Economic Programme. The Resolution guaranteed the basic civil rights of free speech, free press, free assembly, and freedom of association; equality before the law irrespective of caste, creed or sex; neutrality of the State in regard to all religious; elections on the basis of universal adult franchise; and free and compulsory primary education.

Second Round Table Conference: In April 1931, Lord Irwin was succeeded by Lord Willingdon (1931-36) as Viceroy. He believed that signing a truce with the Congress was a major error and this time he was fully determined and prepared to crush the Congress.

The Second Round Table Conference opened on September 7, 1931 in London. Gandhi attended the Conference as the sole representative of the Congress. But the Conference was deadlocked on the minorities issue, with separate electorate being demanded now not only by Muslims but by Depressed Classes Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans also.

1932: Lord Willingdon was bent on crushing the Congress and any revival of the movement. On the next day of the Gandhi’s arrival from London, the Congress Working Committee decided to resume Civil Disobedience. But on January 4, 1932, the Government launched its pre-emptive strike against the National Movement by arresting Gandhi, promulgating ordinances which gave the authorities unlimited power – thus initiating what a historian has described as Civil Martial Law. Civil liberties no longer existed and the authorities could seize people and property at will. Within a week, leading Congressmen all over the country were behind bars.

In the first four months, over 80,000 Satyagrahis, most of them urban and rural poor, were jailed, while lakhs took to the picketing of shops selling liquor and foreign cloth. Illegal gatherings, non-violent demonstrations, celebrations of various national days, and other forms of defiance of the ordinances were the rule of the day.

The Congress and its allied organisations were declared illegal and their offices and funds seized. Nearly all the Gandhi Ashrams were occupied by the police. Peaceful picketers, Satyagrahis and processionists were lathi-charged, beaten and often awarded rigorous imprisonment and heavy fines. Prisoners in jail were barbarously treated. The no-tax campaigns in different parts of rural India were treated with great severity. Lands, houses, cattle, agricultural implements, and other property were freely confiscated.

Communal Award: The British policy of ‘Divide-and-Rule’ found another expression, in the announcement of the Communal Award in August 1932. The Award allotted to each minority a number of seats in the legislatures to be elected on the basis of a separate electorate. Muslims, Sikhs and Christians had already been treated as minorities. The Award declared the Depressed Classes (Scheduled Castes of today) also to be a minority community entitled to separate electorate and thus separated them from the rest of the Hindus.

The Congress was opposed to a separate electorate for Muslims, Sikhs and Christians as it encouraged the communal notion that they formed separate groups or communities having interests different from the general body of Indians. The inevitable result was to divide the Indian people and prevent the growth of a common national consciousness. But the idea of a separate electorate for Muslims had been accepted by the Congress as far back as 1916 as a part of the compromise with the Muslim League. Hence, the Congress took the position that though it was opposed to separate electorates, it was not in favour of changing the Award with the consent of the minorities. Consequently, though strongly disagreeing with the Communal Award, it decided neither to accept it nor to reject it.

Poona Pact: Gandhi demanded that the representatives of the Depressed Classes should be elected by the general electorate under a wide, if possible universal, common franchise. At the same time, he did not object to the demand for a large number of the reserved seats for the Depressed Classes. He went on a fast-unto-death on September 20, 1932 to enforce his demand. Political leaders of different persuasions, including Madan Mohan Malaviya, M.C. Rajah and B.R. Ambedkar, now became active. In the end, they succeeded in hammering out an agreement, known as the ‘Poona Pact’ according to which the idea of separate electorates for the Depressed Classes was abandoned but the seats reserved for them in the provincial legislatures were increased from seventy-one in the Award to 147 and in the Central Legislature to eighteen per cent of the total.

1933: Harijan upliftment now became Gandhi’s main concern. He started an All-India Anti-Untouchability League in September 1932 and the weekly Harijan in January 1933 even before his release. January 8, 1933 was observed as ‘Temple Entry Day’. Gandhi’s Harijan campaign included a programme of internal reform by Harijans, promotion of education, cleanliness and hygiene, giving up the eating of carrion and beef, giving up liquor and the abolition of untouchability among themselves. But it did not include a militant struggle by the Harijans themselves through Satyagraha, breaking of caste taboos, mass demonstrations, picketing and other forms of protest.

1934: Complex economic factors and agrarian troubles in India had given a new outlook to the Congress. A clear expression of this fact was the resolution on ‘Fundamental Rights and Economic Programme’ moved at the Karachi session of the Congress in March 1931. These factors were also responsible for the rise of the Kisan Movement and gave an impetus to the creed of socialism. In May 1934, the socialists formed a separate party within the fold of the Congress, known as the Congress Socialist Party. Among Socialist were Jaya Prakash Narayan, Ashoka Mehta, Achyut Patwardhan, Yusuf Meherally, Minoo Masani and S.M. Joshi. They were later joined by Narendra Dev, Sri Prakasa, Sampurnanand, N.G. Ranga and others. They swore by Marxism, talked of the inevitability of class war and called for planned economic development on the Soviet model. The Congress Socialist Party clarified the term Independence by observing ‘Independence must mean the establishment of an Independent State, wherein all power is transferred to the producing masses, and such objective involves refusal to compromise at any stage with British Imperialism’.

1935: While the Congress was in the thick of battle, the Third Round Table Conference met in London in November 1932, once again without the leaders of the Congress. The Simon Commission’s Report submitted in 1930, provided the basis for the discussions at this Conference in London. The discussions eventually led to the passing of the Government of India Act, 1935, in August 1935.

The Government of India Act was intended to be the basis of an enduring Anglo-Indian Raj; but in the event only part of it was put into effect, and that part lasted only two years. The Act is of considerable significance, however, first because it provided the groundwork for the negotiations that led to the final transfer of power into Indian hands. Second, even though the Act was conceived as a means of perpetuating British rule, some of its provisions were so well drawn up that they were later found suitable for inclusion in the Constitution of independent India.

The Government of India Act provided for a federation that would include not only the various provinces of British India but also the Princely States. Dyarchy was introduced at the Centre. There would still be no responsible government at the Centre. Of more immediate significance than the federal part of the Act of 1935 were the provisions relating to the provinces. Indeed, the most important feature of the entire Act was Provincial Autonomy. This meant that provincial governments exercised complete control over the subjects allotted to them. Dyarchy in the provinces – that unsuccessful innovation of the Act of 1919 – was abolished. It would seem that the British had finally surrendered some real power to the people of India. But Governors kept certain ‘discretionary powers’ and ‘special responsibilities’.

The Act could not satisfy the nationalist aspiration for both political and economic power continued to be concentrated in the hands of the British Government. Foreign rule was to continues as before; only a few popularly elected ministers were to be added to the structure of British administration in India. The Act was condemned by nearly all sections of Indian opinion and was unanimously rejected by the Congress. The Congress demanded instead the convening of a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of adult franchise to frame a Constitution for an independent India. The Federal part of the Act was never introduced but the provincial part was introduced in 11 provinces on April 1, 1937. Reserve Bank of India was established on April 1, 1935.

1936: In his Presidential Address to the Lucknow Congress in 1936, Jawaharlal Nehru urged the Congress to accept Socialism as its goal and to bring itself closer to the peasantry and the working class. This was also, he felt, the best way of weaning away the Muslim masses from the influence of their reactionary communal leaders. The growth of the radical forces in the country was soon reflected in the programme and policies of the Congress. Radicalism in the Congress was further reflected in the Faizpur Congress resolutions and the Election Manifesto of 1936. In fact, a major development of 1930, was the increasing acceptance of radical economic policies by Gandhiji.

Peasants’ and Workers’ Movement: The economic depression of 1930, worsened the conditions of the peasants and workers in India. The prices of agricultural products dropped by over 50 per cent. The employers tried to reduce wages. The peasants all over the country began to demand land reforms, abolition of Zamindari, reduction of land revenues and rent, and relief from indebtedness. Workers in the factories and plantations increasingly demanded better conditions of work and recognition of their trade union rights. The Civil Disobedience Movement and the rise of the Left parties and groups produced a new generation of political workers who devoted themselves to the organization of peasants and workers. Consequently, there was rapid growth of trade union in the cities and the Kisan Sabhas (Peasants’ Unions) in many areas particularly in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Punjab. The first all-India peasant organization, the All-India Kisan Sabha was formed in 1936 under the Presidentship of Swami Sahjanand Saraswati. The peasants also began to take a more active part in the national movement.

Sind and Orissa were created as separate Provinces on April 1, 1936. Transmission from Delhi station of Indian State Broadcasting Service was commenced on January 1, 1936.

1936 marked the clear beginnings of a change. Nehru’s address to the fifth session of the States’ People’s Conference urged the need for mass contacts in place of mere petitions, and the session for the first time drew up a programme of agrarian demands: a one-third cut in land revenue, scaling-down of debts, and an inquiry into peasant grievances in the context of the ‘tragedies of Kashmir, Alwar, Sikar (Jaipur) and Loharu’.

1937: Through totally opposed to the 1935 Act, the Congress decided to contest the elections, more to prove to the British Government what a strong following the party had in the country, than to cooperate in working the Act. This objective was fully achieved. In the elections held in February 1937, the Congress swept the polls in most of the Provinces.

Communalism was undoubtedly rejected by the electorate. The Hindu Mahasabha ceased to be an important force which it had become after the 1926 elections. The Muslim League was routed in all the Muslim majority provinces except Bengal. Amidst this confused picture presented by the election results one fact was clear. It was that the Hindus were ranging themselves behind the Congress while the Muslims were behind their local and regional leaders. The obvious course before the Congress was, therefore, to draw the Muslims towards nationalism, by an appeal to their class interests. This is precisely what the Congress proceeded to do under the direction of Jawaharlal Nehru and the progressive Congressmen. The strategy failed and the outcome was the polarisation of Indian nationalism and Muslim communalism.

1938: Subhas Chandra Bose won the election of President of Indian National Congress on January 17, 1938. He delivered the 51^st Presidential Address of the Indian National Congress at Haripura on Feb. 19, 1938. The rebel leader Dr. N.B. Kher was expelled by Congress Working Committee from Congress on Oct. 2, 1938.

1939: When World War II broke out in September 1939, it placed the Indian leaders in a difficult situation. They were totally opposed to the Fascist philosophy standing as it did for a kind of ruthless totalitarianism which included init elements of racialist bigotry. Even before 1939, during the years Fascism was emerging as a political philosophy in Western Europe with an expansionist programme of aggression, many Indian leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru had been much perturbed at the developments in Europe. The Congress had in unequivocal terms condemned Fascism, and declared themselves openly in support of the suffering people of Spain, Ethiopia and Czechoslovakia. Their attitude to the development of Fascist trends in Japan was the same and they logically supported China when she was attacked, branding Japan as the aggressor. But they were as strongly opposed to imperialism. Their attitude to the war would, therefore, depend on its aims and objectives. If it was going to be a war between the old imperial powers anxious to retain their colonies and their colonial domination over many nations of Asia and Africa and the new imperialists represented by the rascist powers, who wanted their own share in the spoils of colonialism, India would have nothing to do with it. But if the Allies were going to change their ways and fight the fascists really and truly to "save the world for democracy", India would offer her support to the maximum extent possible. There must, however, be tangible evidence to show that the Allies meant what they professed. Specifically, Britain should immediately give up her imperial and colonial domination of India and arrange for a reasonable quantum of self-government by the Indians themselves.

Not only was there to be no immediate indication of Britain’s willingness to part with power but even in the distant future, it was still to be Dominion Status within the empire, not full and complete freedom. The statement was most unacceptable to the Congress, and, therefore, the Working committee rejected the Viceroy’s offer and called on the Congress ministries to resign before the end of October.

1940 – 1949

1940: During the early part of 1940, Congress reaffirmed its demand for Complete Independence at its Ramgarh Session. Meanwhile, a change of Government took place in Britain in May 1940 and Winston Churchill became Prime Minister (1940-45). The fall of France temporarily softened the attitude of Congress. Britain was in danger of Nazi occupation. Seeing the perilous position Britain was in, the Congress offered to resume cooperation to the British so long as a provisional National Government was set up. The British refused, saying that power could not be given to a body whose authority was denied "by large and powerful elements in India’s national life", i.e., the Muslims and other minorities.

However, the Governor-General on August 8, 1940, issued from Simla a statement that was intended to break the constitutional deadlock. It made three points: (i) an immediate expansion of the Viceroy’s Executive Council by inducting into that body a number of Indian representatives; (ii) the establishment of a War Advisory Council comprising representative of British India and the Indian States, the Council to meet at regular intervals; (iii) the promotion of practical steps to arrive at an agreement among Indians on the form which the post-War representative body would take, the method by which it should arrive at its conclusions and a definition of the principles and outlines of the Constitution itself.

The August offer shocked nationalist India and was wholly rejected by the Congress. It was clear that all it amounted to was the addition of a few more Indians to the Governor-General’s Executive Council without transferring responsibility from the British Parliament to the Indian Legislature. The only party that was happy about this was the All-India Muslim League. Not long after Adolf Hitler had launched his massive invasion of Russia (June 1941), Whitehall finally made up its mind to give effect’ the August (1940) Offer’.

To protest against Britain’s policy towards India, the Congress started ‘Individual Civil Disobedience’ in October 1940 under Mahatma Gandhi. A small-Scale effort was mounted between October17 and December 17, 1940, in which some 600 Sastyagrahis were involved. One of the first to offer himself for arrest was the Bhoodan leader, Acharya Vinoba Bhave. In 1941, the campaign was started again more vigorously, and a total of 20,000 men and women were put on trial and convicted.

It was decided that if the Government did not arrest a satyagrahi, he or she would not only repeat the performance but move into villages and start a trek towards Delhi, thus participating in a movement that came to be known as the Delhi Chalo (onwards to Delhi) movement.

The individual Satyagraha had a dual purpose – while giving expression to the Indian people’s strong political feeling, it gave the British Government further opportunity to peacefully accept the Indian demands.

1941: The war in Europe progressed to a climax by 1941. Having over-run Poland, Belgium, Holland, Norway and France, as well as most of Eastern Europe, though the Battle of Britain had been lost, Germany launched an attack on Russia in June 1941. In December, Japan came into the war with a surprise attack on Pearl Harbour. Thus, by the end of 1941, the war had assumed the proportions of a world on conflagration, with the United States and the Soviet Union fully involved and fighting on the side of the Allies. But this did not seem to foretell an early victory. On the other hand, in the Asian theatre the early successes were all in favour of Japan. Philippines, Indo-China, Indonesia, Malaya and Burma now (Myanmar) were all rapidly conquered. The Japanese forces occupied Rangoon in March 1942. India’s frontiers were directly threatened.

1942: Britain was now desperately anxious to have the full and active cooperation of India, not only to halt the Japanese advance but overall war effort. To secure this cooperation, Britain felt that India had to be offered some firm promises for the future and a fuller measure of self-Government for the present. The British Government accordingly sent Sir Stafford Cripps, a member of the War Cabinet, to India with a Draft Declaration. But the Draft Declaration he had brought did not contain much to recommend it.

Negotiations between Cripps and the Congress leaders broke down. The Congress objected to the provision for Dominion Status rather than Full Independence, the representation of the Princely States in the Constituent Assembly not by the people of the States but by the nominees of the rulers, and above all the provision for the partition of India. The British Government also refused to accept the demand for the immediate transfer of effective power to the Indians and for a real share in the responsibility for the defence of India.

Cripps’ proposals contained within them provisions which could divide India into hundreds of independent pieces. It was for this reason that Gandhi opposed the Declaration and urged the Working Committee to reject’ the post-dated cheque’.

Quit India Movement: The Quit India Movement followed in the wake of the failure of the Cripps’ Mission. On July 14, 1942, the Congress Working Committee appealed to Britain to withdraw from India with goodwill so that a provisional government might be established which would cooperate with the United Nations in resisting aggression. The Committee, however, affirmed that "should this appeal fail the Congress will then be reluctantly compelled to utilise all the non-violent strength it might have a gathered since 1920". As scheduled, the AICC met in Bombay on August 7, 1942 and adopted a resolution which justified the demand for the British to ‘Quit India’ and explained its implications. Inter alia, it formulated the broad outlines of the Constitution of a provincial government including its composition and aims, outlined a solution to the communal problem and declared India’s aspirations for world peace and amity.

The All-India Congress Committee endorsed this Quit India Resolution on August 8, 1942. It authorised’ the starting of mass struggle on non-violent lines on the widest possible scale’. The evening after the Quit India Resolution was passed, Gandhi addressed these memorable words to the Indian people: "Every one of you should from this moment onwards consider yourself a free man or woman and act as if you are free…. I am not going to be satisfied with anything short of complete freedom. We shall do or die. We shall either free India or die in the attempt."

‘Quit India’, Bharat Chhoro’ Do or Die’ these simple but powerful slogans launched the legendary struggle which also became famous by the name of the "August Revolution".

The Government reacted sharply and let loose a reign of terror. Every canon of morality and human decency was violated in the name of preserving law and order. Authority made frequent use of bullets in quelling disturbances. The disturbances lacked both coherence as well as sound planning. The result was that in a few weeks the peak of their fury had been reached, to be followed by a rapid decline in overt action while the movement was driven underground. The Government did not relax its whip hand until satisfied that there was little chance of the movement reviving. The Revolt of 1942 failed because an unarmed people without leader and proper organisation could not win against the mighty strength of an imperial government in power.

In 1942, Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) was constituted as an autonomous society. It has an all-encompassing charter which in which includes promotion, guidance and coordination of scientific and industrial research, funding of laboratories and exploitation of research results for industrial development. It is also charged with rendering assistance to extra mural research. CSIR has over the years established network of 40 laboratories and 80 field/extension centers spread all over the country.

In 1942, an Industrial Research Fund was created by the Government for the purpose of fostering industrial development in the country and the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research was constituted as an autonomous body to administer the Fund. The proposals for the establishment of National Physical Laboratory and a National Chemical Laboratory had been accepted, and later plans for other laboratories for food technology, building, road, leather, electro-chemicals and others were formulated. These plans were taken up after Independence and research institutes established for these areas, incidentally on the lines of the institutes established in UK under the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research.

1943: The general policy of the Government was to suppress the disturbances in the country and also to detain the Congress leaders until they gave a definite assurance and guarantee of a different line of conduct. While the deadlock between the Congress and the Government was allowed to continue, the Muslim League observed on March 23, 1943, the Pakistan Day. Jinnah sent a message to the Muslim population of India stating that the scheme of Pakistan was the final "national" goal of Muslim India. The League, in a resolution on April 26, endorsed this view.

1944: In 1944, the Indian National Army commenced its military career. In May 1944, Battalion No. 1 of the Subhas Brigade, of the INA entered Indian territory. The Brigade captured Mowdok, an outpost situated south-east of Chittagong, and held it for several months. Meanwhile, the main body of the Subhas Brigade had proceeded to Kohima in Nagaland. Unfortunately, by this time the fortunes of war had turned against the Japanese. They were obliged to send all their available aircrafts to the Pacific Front. Without air support, it became impossible for the INA to capture Imphal before the start of the monsoon. In June 1944, Japanese and INA troops withdrew into Burma (now Myanmar).

1945: The breakdown of the Gandhi-Jinnah talks convinced Wavell, who succeeded Linlithgow as Viceroy of India, that the initiative should come from the Government. On June 14, 1945, new proposals were announced to introduce further constitutional changes in India "within the framework of the 1935 Government of India Act". All the members of the Congress Working Committee were released and conference of representative political leaders was called. It was to be held at Simla starting on June 25, 1945.

The proposals were conciliatory to some extent but unsatisfactory and provocative in one respect. The Viceroy’s Executive Council was to be wholly Indian, except for the Viceroy himself and the British Commander-in-Chief. The Viceroy’s special powers would not officially lapse but an assurance was available that they would not be used ‘unreasonably’. Thus far it was some progress. Then came the divisive characteristic. There would be equal proportions of caste- Hindus and Muslims in the Council. This meant that the Muslim League’s demand for parity on a command basis had been endorsed for the first time in an official declaration of British policy. A concrete outcome to the Wavell Plan was the summoning of the Simla Conference.

The Simla Conference began on a not of optimism. Gandhi, who has been opposed to the Cripps’ offer, felt that Wavell’s Plan was sincere and would lead to independence. Jinnah, however, "flatly refused to cooperate", as Wavell later reported. The Muslim League leader was determined to undermine the conference unless it agreed to his own terms. These included the demand that Muslims not belonging to the League could not be appointed to the Executive Council. Congress President Abul Kalam Azad was firmly opposed to any such arrangement. Congress would be betraying its Muslim members if it accepted Jinnah’s demand Wavell would not proceed without obtaining Jinnah’s cooperation. When it was withheld, the Viceroy announced the failure of the conference. Jinnah had, in effect, been given the powers to veto over all negotiations, and he would use or threaten to use this weapon again and again in the months to come. From this point onwards, the communal question dominated the struggle for freedom. Indeed, the attainment of freedom was already certain, the conflict now was between those who struggled to achieve a united and secular Indian state, and those whose rigid sectarianism stood in the way of this accomplishment.

Change in British Policy: The Labour Party, which had come to power, after the War, in England in 1945, with Clement Attlee as the Prime Minister, realised the gravity of the situation and took prompt steps to solve the Indian problem. On September 19, 1945 the British Prime Minister and Lord Wavell made simultaneous statements to the effect that fresh elections to the Central and Provincial Legislatures would be held during the winter of 1945-46, that the Viceroy’s Executive Council would be reconstituted in consultation with the principal Indian parties immediately after the elections, and that a Constitution –making body would be convened as soon as possible.

In the elections held in 1945-46 the Congress captured almost all the Non-Muslim seats in all the provinces and the majority of the Muslim seats in North-West Frontier Province. It formed ministries in all provinces except Bengal, Punjab and Sind. The Muslim League captured almost all Muslim seats in all provinces except North-West Frontier Province.

INA Trials: The decisive shift in British policy really came about under mass pressure in the autumn and winter of 1945-46 – the months which Perderel Moon while editing Wavell’s Journal (Chapter VIII) has perceptively described as ‘The Edge of a Volcano’. Very foolishly, the British initially decided to hold public trials of several hundreds of 20,000 INA prisoners (as well as dismissing from service and detaining without trial no less than 7000).

1946: A Cabinet Mission consisting of three ministers of the new British Cabinet Lord Pethick Lawrence, Secretary of State for India; Sir Stafford Cripps, President of the Board of Trade; and A V Alexander, First Lord of the Admiralty arrived in India on March 24, 1946 and they at once began to hold meetings with leaders of Indian opinion. Unable to arrive at any sort of consensus, even at a second Simla Conference held in the beginning of May 1946, the Mission issued a statement containing its own proposal on May 16, 1946, formulating in it a plan for the future government of India. According to Cabinet Mission Plan, there was to be union of India embracing both British Provinces and Princely States with control over Foreign Affairs, Defence and Communications and powers to raise the money required for such purposes. All other subjects were to be vested in Provinces and the States but the Provinces were to be free to form groups for common action. The idea of Pakistan was rejected. India was to be divided into three groups of Provinces- Group ‘A’ consisting of Madras, Bombay, Central Provinces, United Provinces Bihar and Orissa; Group ‘B’ of the North-West Frontier Province, the Punjab, Sind and Baluchistan and Group ‘C’ comprising Bengal and Assam.

The Cabinet Mission Plan was not considered satisfactory by any section of the Indian people, but all sought to utilise it for their own interest. The Muslim League accepted it on June 6,1946, in as much as the basis and the foundation of Pakistan’ which was inherent in the Mission’s Plan by virtue of the compulsory grouping of the six Muslim majority Provinces in Groups B and C. The Congress decided on June 25, 1946 to join the proposed Constituent Assembly with a view to framing the Constitution, but did not agree to the proposal for Interim Government. The Cabinet Mission left India on June 29, 1946, and the Viceroy formed a Caretaker Government consisting of nine officials.

Constituent Assembly, Direct Action Day and Interim Government: As the Congress kept out of the Interim Government, the League offered to take office alone. But the Viceroy refused to proceed with one party. This caused the League to withdraw its acceptance of the Cabinet Mission scheme. Finally, when the Congress offered to join the Government and the Viceroy admitted their leaders to office with Nehru as Vice-President of the Council, the League proclaimed a Direct Action for August 16, 1946, with the battle cry, Lekar Rehenge Pakistan, Larke Lenge Pakistan.

Bloody riots broke out in Calcutta, which were soon followed by the communal outbreak in Bihar. There were also outbreaks in East Bengal and the United Provinces. The British Government declared on December 6, 1946, that if the Muslim League did not join the constituent Assembly then the Constitution framed by Constituent Assembly could not be implemented by the British Government at least in so far as it affected the provinces with a Muslim majority. Nevertheless, the Constituent Assembly met in New Delhi on December 9, 1946 without the participation of the Muslim League. Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected President and Nehru moved his famous resolution which declared the Assembly’s solemn resolve to make India Independent Sovereign Republic. The Muslim League continued to refuse to cooperate with the congress and the country was faced with the prospect of anarchy and uncertainty.

RIN Mutiny: The greatest threat of all, however, was the naval mutiny in Bombay on February, 18-23, 1946 – one of the most truly heroic, if also largely forgotten, episodes in our freedom struggle. Wartime expansion of the Royal Indian Navy had brought in men from all parts of the country, weakening the old military tradition of recruitment from politically underdeveloped ‘martial races’. Racial discrimination continued unabated in this last bastion of Empire, while service abroad brought contact with world developments and INA trials and the post-war popular upsurge in India had a growing impact. On February 18, ratings in the Signals training establishment, Talwar went on hunger-strike against bad food and racist insults. Next day the strike spread to Castle and Fort Barracks on shore and 22 ships in Bombay harbour, and the tricolour, crescent, and hammer-and-sickle were raised jointly on the mast-heads of the rebel fleet.

Patel, helped for once by Jinnah, managed to persuade the ratings to surrender on February 23 giving an assurance that the national parties would prevent any victimisation – a promise soon quietly forgotten.

1947: The next step on the fateful road to India’s destiny was the important announcement by the British Prime Minister, Clement Attlee, on February 20, 1947, in which he referred in no uncertain terms to the pronounced differences amongst Indian political parties hampering the functioning of the Constituent Assembly according to Plan and rendering it not fully representative of India’s variegated population pattern. He went on to make the momentous declaration: "The present state of uncertainty is fraught with danger and cannot be indefinitely prolonged. His Majesty’s Government wish to make clear that it is their definite intention to take necessary steps to effect the transference of power to responsible Indian hands by June 1948." If the League continued to boycott the Constituent Assembly, the British Government would then have to have "to consider to whom the powers of the Central Government in British India should be handed over, on due date, whether as a whole to some form of Central Government for British India, or in some areas to the existing Provincial Government or in such other way as may seem most reasonable and in the best interests of the Indian people." Thus the statement fixed the deadline (June 1948) by which the British would quit India and envisaged a partition of the country which the Cabinet Mission had completely discountenanced. In other words, the British Government in this respect fell back on the Cripps’ proposals.

The publication of this statement was followed by tearing, raging campaign by the League to bring about at any cost the partition of the country. Things in India were at a bad pass. The League resorted to unabashed violence at many places.

It was now becoming increasingly clear to the variest tyro in politics that in the new circumstances – the psychosis of harted and fear – Indian unity was impossible to keep unimpaired.

The Mountbatten Plan, June 3, 1947: The announcement that Lord Wavell was to be replaced by Lord Mountbatten as Viceroy was followed by the latter’s speedy arrival in India. The new Viceroy, a man of tact, energy, and determination, did not let the grass grow under his feet, and almost immediately declared his intention to complete the transfer of power into Indian hands within a few months. To this end he consulted Indian leaders. Mr. Jinnah, intransigent as ever, would not yield an inch in his demand for Pakistan. The Congress leaders had by now agreed to the principle of Pakistan but insisted on a partition of the provinces affected in order to avoid compulsion if Pakistan was unavoidable. Shortly after this Lord Mountbatten paid a visit to London for consultations with the British Government in May 1947.

On June 3, 1947, Lord Mountbatten published a statement outlining his solutions of India’s political problem. Some important portions of that statement are reproduced here: "It is not the intention of His Majesty’s Government to interrupt the work of the existing Constituent Assembly …. It is clear that any Constitution framed by this Assembly cannot apply to those parts of the country which are unwilling to accept it. His Majesty’s Government are satisfied that the procedure outlined below embodies the best practical method of ascertaining the wishes of the people of such areas on the issue whether their Constitution is to be framed – (a) in the existing Constituent Assembly; or (b) in a new and separate Constituent Assembly consisting of the representatives of those areas which decide not participate in the existing Constituent Assembly. When this is done it will be possible to determine the authority or authorities to whom power should be transferred." The Provincial Assemblies of Punjab and Bengal were to meet in two parts, one representing the Muslim majority districts and the other representing the rest of the Province, and "the members of the two parts of each Legislative Assembly sitting separately will be empowered to vote whether or not the Province should be partitioned. If a simple majority of either decides in favour of partition, partition will take place and arrangements would be made accordingly." The Legislative Assembly of Sind was to take its own decision at a special meeting. A decision of referendum was provided for in the case of the NWFP the Muslim-majority district of Sylhet was also to decide by means of a referendum as to whether it would join East Bengal or remain in Assam

The Plan also made provision for the setting up of a Boundary Commission to demarcate boundaries in case partition was to be effected. The statement concluded with these words: "His Majesty’s Government propose to introduce legislation during the current session for the transfer of power this year on a Dominion Status basis on one or two successor authorities according to decisions taken as a result of this announcement. This will be without prejudice to the right of the Indian Constituent Assemblies to decide in due course whether or not the part of India in respect of which they have authority will remain within the British Commonwealth."

In essence, the Plan of June 3 which formed the basis of the Indian Independence Act, 1947, was a further adaptation of the Cripps’ Offer of 1942 with the two major modifications: the June 3 Plan proposed to transfer power without the slightest delay, while the Cripps’ Proposals contemplated such transfer in an uncertain future. Again, the cessation of British sovereignty by the Indian Independence Act was not fettered by any provision for safeguarding the interests of minorities, while such a condition was an essential feature of the Cripps’ Proposals.

Partition of India: The Plan of June 3 was accepted by all the political parties in the country. The Muslim League was jubilant because it had, after all said and done, got their ‘homeland’ though I t was "truncated and moth-eaten". The Congress accepted the partition of the country because it was unavoidable under the circumstances. The Sikhs gave in, though grudgingly. The Plan was put into effect without the slightest delay. The Legislative Assemblies of Bengal and the Punjab decided in favour of partition of those provinces. East Bengal and West Punjab joined Pakistan; West Bengal and East Punjab remained within the Indian Union. The referendum in the Sylhet resulted in the incorporation of that district in East Bengal. Two Boundary Commissions one in respect of each province were constituted to demarcate the boundaries of the new Provinces. The referendum in the NWFP decided in favour of Pakistan, the Provincial Congress, refraining from the referendum. Baluchistan and Sind threw in their lot with Pakistan.

The Indian Independence Act, 1947: The British Government went ahead with its promised legislation, the Indian Independence Bill was introduced in Parliament on July 4, 1947, and the Indian Independence Act was enacted after a fortnight on July 18. The Act did not provide for any new Constitution of India. It was only an Act "to enable the representatives of India and Pakistan to frame their own Constitutions and to provide for the exceeding difficult period of transition." In other words, the Act merely formalised and gave legal effect to the promise made by Lord Mountbatten in his June 3 Plan.

The Act provided for the Partition of India and the establishment of the two Dominions (India and Pakistan) from the appointed date viz., August 15, 1947 and for the legislative supremacy of these Dominions. The British Government divested itself of all powers and control over the affairs of the Dominions after August 15.

The Indian Independence Act, 1947, was the swan song of the British power as far as India was concerned and was acclaimed as "the noblest and greatest law ever enacted by the British Parliament". The Act of 1947 not only closed a chapter, it also at the same time opened a new and glorious chapter of free India.

Integration of Princely Status: The Indian Independence Act, 1947 declared that British Paramountcy over the Indian States was to lapse on August 15, 1947. They were allowed to join either India or Pakistan. Before that date, most of the States had signed the instrument of Accession by which they agreed to accede to India. But there were some States who thought that in the changed situation they were entitled to declare their independence.

Sardar Patel, who took charge of the State Department in July 1947, tackled this situation with consummate ability, assisted by the tactful and experienced Secretary of the Ministry, V.P. Menon. Appealing to the patriotic and nationalistic sentiment of the princes, Patel asked them to join Indian Constituent Assembly. He asked them to hand over authority only in external affairs, defence and communications to the Indian Dominion, pointing out that during the British rule they had exercised little authority in any of the three subjects. Mountbatten also urged the rulers of the States to enter into relationship with either of the Dominions depending on the contiguity of their territory. By August 15, 1947, all the 562 States except Kashmir, Hyderabad and Junagadh had been incorporated in the new federal Union. Hundreds of small States merged with neighbouring provinces and disappeared altogether from the country’s political map. Thus "a bloodless revolution had been brought about, on the one hand, by the operation of democratic forces unleashed by freedom, and on the other, by the patriotic attitude of the rulers who had been quick to appreciate the change".

The State of Junagadh, situated on the coast of Kathiawar, had a Muslim Nawab though it contained a teeming Hindu population. The Nawab opted for Pakistan and adopted repressive measures to force the Hindus to leave their home. But the Indian troops quickly occupied the State. A plebiscite was held which decided in favour of the Indian Union.

The accession of Hyderabad, the biggest State in India with the Indian Union, was not affected without bloodshed. The Nizam of Hyderabad made an attempt to claim an independent status but was forced to accede in 1948 after an interval revolt had broken out in its Telengana area and after Indian troops had marched into Hyderabad.

The Maharaja of Kashmir also delayed accession to India or Pakistan even though the popular forces led by Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference wanted accession to India. However, when Pathans and irregular armed forces of Pakistan invaded Kashmir, the Maharaja of Kashmir sought the assistance of the Government of India. On October 26, 1947, he formally acceded to the Indian Union, whose airborne troops saved the situation in the nick of time. On October 31, 1947, an interim government was formed with Sheikh Abdullah as its head, which, with the help of Indian troops, successfully repelled tribal raids, aided and abetted by Pakistan. On December 31, 1947 the Indian Government appealed to the Security Council of the United Nations to stop this act of aggression on the part of Pakistan against India. The claims of India and Pakistan were put forward before the Security Council which could not arrive at a fruitful solution. Meanwhile the two dominions fought a war for over a year till the UN Commission arranged for a ceasefire between the two Governments on January 1, 1949. The efforts of the Security Council to arrive at an enduring solution to the dispute between the Governments by sending successive UN representatives like Sir Owen Dixon and Dr. Frank Graham, proved unsuccessful.

1948: Mahatma Gandhi was shot dead by a Maharashtrian Hindu youngman, Nathuram Godse on Jan. 30. Godse could not understand the lofty ideals of the Messiah of the 20^th Century. Gandhi’s death shocked the entire humanity. He was the first non-official citizen of the world whose death was mourned even by UNO. Manner of his death was in keeping with his life. It was appropriately said: "Greater love hath no man than this that he lays down his life for his people and he did so, in harness, unto the last."

The Atomic Energy Commission was established on Aug.10, 1948 with Dr. Homi J. Bhabha as its chairman. The Commission was entrusted with the formulation and implementation of the policy of the Government in all matters concerning atomic energy. Subsequently in 1956, the Department of Atomic Energy (DAE) was established.

The National Museum, established in 1948, is one of the premier museums of the country and its main activities are in the field of acquisition, exhibition, conservation education and publication of art objects.

1949: The Constituent Assembly again sat on November 14, 1949, for the third reading and finished it on November 261949, on which date the Constitution received the signature of the President of the Assembly and was declared as passed.

On Nov. 26, 1949, the Constituent Assembly passed the new Constitution of India, which cam